Between visas, illegal immigration, and “economic migrants,” Biden’s open-borders policy is adding roughly three illegal immigrants for every four Americans born this year. This is a drastic change of pace from President Trump’s efforts to curb illegal immigration and prioritize legal immigrants and visa workers. Now, in an economy burdened by rising inflation, American laborers have to compete in a blue-collar job market against a rising influx of working-age immigrants hungry to join the American job market.
BREITBART: Joe Biden Welcomes 3 Migrants for Every 4 U.S. Births
Neil Munro; September 20, 2022
President Joe Biden’s border policy has invited 1.15 million migrants across the border since October 2021, despite the continued anti-epidemic Title 42 border barrier, according to data released by the Department of Homeland Security.
The 1.15 million migrants were more than half of the two million migrants who arrived at the border. Few of them were flown home — so many of the rejected migrants were later able to sneak across the border.
Another 150,000 migrants are expected to be welcomed this month.
At the same time, Biden’s deputies have admitted another one million legal immigrants, visa workers, and job-seekers pretending to be short-term tourists. These migrants carry green cards, or H-1B, L-1, J-1, TN, F-1, or B-1/B-2 visas.
So Biden’s massive flood is adding roughly three migrants for every four Americans who will be born this year.
His flood delivers three foreign migrants for every four Americans who turn 18 this year.
In contrast, President Donald Trump allowed only 253,000 migrants across the border in 2020. He also slashed the inflow of legal immigrants and visa workers.
That low-migration policy gave more than 100 million working Americans the tight labor market that they needed to win extra wages, more technology investment, and better workplace treatment in 2020 and 2021.
Predictably, Biden’s migration is pressuring down Americans’ wages. It is also boosting rents and housing prices, and pushing up inflation for a wide variety of goods, such as used autos and food.
The mass migration is also distorting normal politics. For example, Democrats claim racism is motivating Americans’ attempts to protect their economic and citizen rights amid the flood of foreign economic migrants.
Similarly, GOP legislators ignore migration’s economic hit on Americans and try to focus voters on other issues, such as migrant crime, chaos, and drug smuggling.
The mass inflow is supported by the economic beneficiaries — the nation’s political and business elites.
It is also backed by many of its college-graduate supporters in the media and the professional sector. The college-grade supporters, however, pay heavily for their support of migration. Many earn lower salaries amid the huge inflow of white-collar migrants, and many choose to buy houses or rent apartments in low-diversity districts where they expect schools and crimes will be better than in districts damaged by the inflow of migrants.
The least productive groups of American citizens also lose out to eager, hard-working, and grateful economic migrants in the nation’s economy.
For example, the left-wing D.C. Fiscal Policy Institute reported on September 15 how lesser-educated Americans are struggling in the D.C. economy:
Affording the basics, such as rent, food, and utilities is a daily challenge for many DC residents. This is disproportionately true for Black residents, one in five of whom live in poverty. Income support programs help people make ends meet and boost long-term education and health outcomes for children.
One of the migrants who was delivered to D.C. by Biden’s semi-open borders policy, Lever Alejos, spoke to Miriam Jordan, a reporter at the New York Times:
Solidly middle class in Venezuela, he was struggling to keep his machine-repair shop afloat amid the country’s economic collapse. In Venezuela these days, many people make just a few dollars a day.
Within days [of arriving in D.C.], Mr. Alejos found work in construction. By the second week, he was sending money home to support his 7-year-old son, Christopher, and saving to buy a cellphone. By late fall, he plans to move out of the shelter to his own place.
“There is so much opportunity here,” he told Jordan. “You just have to take advantage of it.”
Nearly all non-profit advocates for migration ignore the economic skew created by migration, just as they ignore the massive death toll of Biden’s migration.
But that see-no-problem policy is risky, partly because it may lead to a massive political correction in November that would damage many of the Democrats’ other priorities and ideological claims.
The polls show that Biden’s migration is a very high priority for Americans, even though pollsters pretend that immigration is unconnected to the economy or inflation.
For example, the GOP has 46 percent support — a 17-point advantage — on immigration, and 56 percent support — a 36-point advantage — on border issues, according to an NBC September poll of 1,000 registered voters.
The GOP also has 47 percent support for the economy, giving it a 19-point advantage over the Democrats.
The poll also showed that “jobs and the economy,” “cost of living,” and “immigration and the situation at the border” were deemed the most important issues by 44 percent of the respondents.
Government officials want to grow the economy, and immigration is an easier tool than gradually raising exports, productivity, or the birth rate.
So the federal governments extract millions of migrants from poor countries and use them as extra workers, consumers, and renters.
This Extraction Migration policy grows the national economy but also skews it towards employers and investors. For example, migration tends to ensure employers do not run short of labor. The lack of “tight labor markets” ensures that the migration shifts vast wealth from employees to investors, billionaires, and Wall Street. In turn, that makes it difficult for ordinary Americans to advance in their careers, get married, raise families, or buy homes.
Extraction migration also slows innovation and shrinks Americans’ productivity. This happens because it encourages employers to boost stock prices by relying on disposable workers instead of uncapturable American professionals and technology.
This migration policy also reduces exports by minimizing economic pressure on U.S. companies to build up complementary trade with people in poor countries.
Migration undermines employees’ workplace rights, and it widens the regional economic gaps between the Democrats’ cheap-labor coastal states and the Republicans’ heartland and southern states.
An economy fueled by extraction migration also drains Americans’ political clout over elites. It alienates young people and radicalizes Americans’ democratic civic culture because it gives an excuse for wealthy elites and progressives to ignore despairing Americans at the bottom of society, such as drug addicts.
This economic strategy is enthusiastically pushed by progressives who wish to transform the U.S. from a society governed by European-origin civic culture into an economic empire of jealous identity groups overseen by progressive hall monitors. “We’re trying to become the first multiracial, multi-ethnic superpower in the world,” Rep. Rohit Khanna (D-CA) told the New York Times in March 2022. “It will be an extraordinary achievement. … We will ultimately triumph,” he boasted.
But the progressives’ colonialism-like economic strategy kills many migrants. It exploits the poverty of migrants and splits foreign families as it extracts human resources from poor home countries to serve wealthy U.S. investors.
Progressives hide this extraction migration economic policy behind a wide variety of noble-sounding narratives and theatrical border security programs. For example, they claim the U.S. is a “Nation of Immigrants,” that migration helps migrants, and that the state must renew itself by replacing populations.
Similarly, establishment Republicans, corporate media, and major GOP donors hide the skew caused by migration. They suppress any recognition of the pocketbook impact and instead tout border chaos, welfare spending, migrant crime, and drug smuggling.
Many polls show the public wants to welcome some immigration. But the polls also show deep and broad public opposition to labor migration and the inflow of temporary contract workers into the good jobs U.S. graduates need to raise families.
This “Third Rail” opposition is growing, anti-establishment, multiracial, cross-sex, non-racist, class-based, bipartisan, rational, persistent, and recognizes the solidarity that American citizens owe to one another.